HANSARD EXTRACT
|
Defence Legislation Amendment Bill 2006; Second Reading |
| 29 November 2006 |
Mr HAYES
(Werriwa) (4.58 p.m.)—I
thank the member for Throsby for that valuable and timely
contribution. Labor, as has just been indicated, does have some
serious concerns about the
Defence Legislation Amendment Bill 2006
before
us today. The bill has three main purposes: firstly, the creation of
a new military court; secondly, the creation of military juries;
and, thirdly, the provision of power for the creation of a Chief of
Defence Force commission of inquiry that would investigate all
suicides and deaths of personnel in service.
The opposition has raised a number of concerns
about the operation of provisions of this bill—provisions which seem
to attack the very premise on which this bill is based. In the
second reading speech, the Minister Assisting the Minister for
Defence stated:
The primary measure of this bill is the
establishment of a permanent military court, to be known as the
Australian Military Court. The Australian Military Court will be
independent of the chain of command, and will replace the current
system of individually convened trial by courts martial or Defence
Force magistrate. This new military court will be established under
the Defence Force Discipline Act.
I considered this statement, which goes to the very heart of what
the government is attempting to achieve with this bill, and came to
the conclusion that this model does not lend itself to being
independent of the chain of command as the minister indicated in his
second reading speech to the House.
My greatest concern about this bill stems from
the minister’s statement that the Australian Military Court will be
completely independent of the chain of command. Let us take a moment
to consider the establishment of the new military court in the
context of this statement. If we consider the minister’s assertion
that the new court will be completely independent of the chain of
command in light of the provisions before us—if we systematically go
through how this court will operate—I think any reasonable person
would arrive at a significantly different conclusion than that which
the minister outlined in his earlier statement. It is simply not the
case to say that the new military court is independent of the chain
of command. It is not even a poor facsimile of independence.
The most significant provisions of this bill
which make a mockery of the suggestion of independence relate to the
appointment of judges to the court. The bill provides for a Chief
Military Judge to be appointed for a term of five years, the
appointment of two permanent judges and a panel of part-time
advocates. All appointees will be required to have legal
qualifications and, in particular, must have military service. The
government’s proposal is not all that different from the current
system of courts martial or Defence Force magistrates which it
replaces.
The government’s model as proposed in this bill
does a number of things. It creates the new military court within
the Defence Force Discipline Act. Judges must be serving officers of
legal experience. The term of appointment is for a period of five
years and reappointment will only be in exceptional circumstances.
At the conclusion of their term, judges are to be compulsorily
retired. If they reach retiring age during the term, they are also
disqualified. Part-time judges are not allowed to engage in any
other employment outside their duties. If a judge ‘no longer meets
his or her individual service deployment requirements’, they may be
dismissed. The Chief Military Judge is to be of a rank no lower than
a one star general and a military judge is to be of a rank no lower
than that of commander or equivalent. In addition, judges are to be
appointed by the minister from a list selected by a special
committee, which is in turn to be selected by the Chief of Defence
Force. This in no way reflects anything like a civilian court and it
in no way resembles a model that could be described as truly
independent.
I note that certain criticisms of the model
were made by the Law Council of Australia, which seemed pretty
scathing in its criticism. It criticised the strong perception of a
lack of independence, but also made specific criticisms in respect
of the practicalities of recruitment and retention. These are
criticisms that have come from the Law Council of Australia. In
establishing a tribunal, at least the views of the learned personnel
who make up that body should be taken into account. If that is not
enough, the Judge Advocate General makes this important statement:
... it is now proposed ... that the military judges will have even
less independence, so far as their terms of appointment are
concerned, than they have under the existing arrangements. ... To
now move to five-year renewable terms, which are not automatic ...
considerably reduces the actual and perceived independence of the
judges ... and greatly impedes the AMC’s ability to develop
experience and excellence.
Again, this is the comment of a person reasonably close to the
action, so to speak; it should not be dismissed easily when deciding
whether this tribunal goes close to what the minister said in his
second reading speech in developing greater independence for the new
military court. This in no way comes close to resembling anything
you would expect to find in a civilian court and it is in no way
reflective of something truly independent.
When this matter was examined by the Senate,
the report proposed that the court created should be created under
chapter III of the Constitution, with permanent judges appointed by
the Governor-General to make sure they are absolutely free of the
chain of command and the entire military. Instead, the government
has tried to use spin rather than fact to perpetuate the myth that
this new court will be completely independent of the existing chain
of command. It has glossed over the recommendations of the Senate
report in an attempt to paper over some of the serious aspects of
military justice.
The new court that will be established
following the passage of this legislation is, quite frankly, no more
independent of the chain of command than the system that it replaces
in relation to courts martial and Defence Force magistrates. That is
not just my view. That is the view of the Judge Advocate General.
While the government attempts to defend this approach by asserting
that the military justice system is unique and different to the
civilian justice system, it seems that this is nothing more than a
poor attempt to avoid the introduction of a truly independent system
of military justice that is indeed separate from the chain of
command.
One final criticism I would make in this regard
is to highlight that the proposed court is not a court of record.
The fact that it is not a court of record seriously undermines the
status of the court as a genuine court and judicial authority. That
is a serious shortcoming. Given that the court is supposed to be
independent, its decisions appellable and its powers substantial, it
should be a court of record. Bear in mind that this court will have
powers to determine actions brought to it concerning any crime that
is alleged to have been committed by military personnel military
either in this country or when they are deployed overseas. So this
body will have considerable power. It will not be constrained simply
to disciplinary matters. With that, I think our military deserves to
have a military justice system which is of a superior nature to the
military justice system which currently exists—the one which the
government has criticised and says should be replaced by a body of
greater independence than that which currently exists.
The introduction of military juries is
something different. It is clearly a step in the right direction.
The proposal is to have military juries comprising six serving
personnel of a rank no lower than that of the accused, with binding
decisions by a majority of four. I think that is a positive
proposal. Under this proposal there is at least a jury system and,
as a consequence, decisions are not solely in the domain of a court
martial panel or military magistrates. I think that is a step in the
right direction. Trial by jury is widely accepted in our democracy
as providing an opportunity for greater liberty and is protected by
our Constitution. This is something that goes some distance in
providing our military men and women with a greater sense of justice
and confidence in the justice systems that they may be subject to
during their military life.
Having acknowledged that this is an improvement
to the military justice system, there are some differences between
military and civilian juries for which good explanations have not
been provided. I know that this matter is being considered by a
Senate committee. I will be very interested to see what their views
are, but I simply record my view that the establishing of military
juries by this legislation is worthy of being applauded.
The serious flaws in the system before us today
are symptomatic of the contrasting nature of rhetoric and action
when it comes to this government’s dealings with defence and defence
personnel issues. In his second reading speech, the Minister for
Veterans’ Affairs and Minister Assisting the Minister for Defence
noted that, when the Howard government responded to the Senate
report into the effectiveness of Australia’s military justice
system, the then Minister for Defence noted that the government was
committed to providing the best equipment and conditions so that
Australia had a modern fighting force. That is a noble position to
be adopted by the government. He went on to say:
The government continues to express its
admiration and appreciation for our defence personnel and the
important, challenging and often dangerous activities they
undertake, both here in
Australia and in overseas operations.
While I am sure that the sentiments of the minister reflect the
views of the government, I cannot let the statement pass without
contrasting it to the attitude that the government and the minister
took to Labor’s motion supporting Korean veterans seeking
recognition in the post armistice period. The minister is willing to
stand in this place and indicate strong support for our troops but
he rushed out and made statements in contrast to this with respect
to what occurred for veterans who served in
Korea
post the armistice period. You will recall, Mr Deputy Speaker, that
this government has made considerable statements, and probably
rightly so, about respect and admiration for our existing troops but
I have to say that the proof is in the pudding: the level of support
that some of our past serving members of the military have received
from this government. It is interesting to contrast the two
approaches from the government: on the one hand, supporting and
saying that their action in terms of the military justice system is
a reflection of that; the other being the different standards that
they adopt when dealing with the claim for recognition by those
service personnel who served in Korea post the armistice period.
While I have taken this opportunity to point
out the contrasting attitudes of the government when it comes to the
current and former Defence Force, I should not want to be considered
as having a lack of respect for any men or women who have offered
their service in defence of the country. On a personal note I make
no distinction between current and former service men and women; as
far as I am concerned they have, in most cases, willingly put
themselves forward to defend our nation’s interests. This is a noble
character trait and one deserving of our recognition and support.
Recently I had the opportunity to experience
military life personally through my participation in the Australian
Defence Force exchange program. I take this opportunity to thank all
of the men and women who looked after me during the week I spent at
RAAF Base Williamtown, north of
Newcastle.
In particular, I would like to thank the base commander, Mr Wal
Mazzoni, Air Commodore of Air Combat Group,
Geoff
Brown, and Air Commodore of Surveillance and Response Group, Tim
Owen. Spending a week in that environment, with people who have been
and continue to be deployed overseas, doing quite frankly the things
that this country needs to be done, instils a great deal of pride.
It did not matter whether they were the air commodores or the base
commander I referred to, maintenance personnel or clerks: everybody
struck me with their enthusiasm and commitment to duty.
One thing that does strike you when you are
going into that environment is that they are all committed to the
task at hand, that they all see themselves as having a role. They
are not all pilots or navigators but they all make a contribution to
the fighting force of the RAAF. I know the member for
Lindsay
will speak after me and that she is a former RAAF member. I pay
regard to their professionalism and commitment. Quite frankly these
people showed a dedication during the time I was there and continue
to show it on a daily basis, which we as members of parliament and
as Australians should be very proud of.
The bill before us to reform the military
justice system, as presented by the government, is a missed
opportunity. The government has missed a once-in-a-lifetime
opportunity for
Australia to develop a first-class military justice system for our
people which is truly independent of the chain of command. (Time
expired)
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