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HANSARD EXTRACT
Tax Laws Amendment (Improvements to Self Assessment) Bill (No.2) 2005: Second Reading
1st & 5th December 2005

 Mr HAYES (Werriwa) (1.53 p.m.)—I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate on the change to the Australian tax system through the Tax Laws Amendment (Improvements to Self Assessment) Bill (No. 2) 2005. As we all know, there are only two things certain in life: death and taxes. It is nice to know that it is at least possible for us to have an influence on one of them.

Tax laws have been a big issue for the Treasurer of late. Last week he was trying to reverse his record of continually adding pages to the tax act, announcing plans to cut the tax law by up to 30 per cent. Mind you, the act will still have more pages than it did when he took the job on a decade ago. This week he had a slightly different involvement in tax, when he was trying to avoid the issue of taxation of Liberal Party donors.

Tax laws have regularly troubled this Treasurer and this bill seems to be no exception. I will return to some of the difficulties that the Treasurer is experiencing with the bill a little later, but I would like to make some comments about the changes that the bill will implement. Tax is a big issue for just about every Australian; it is an issue that has got progressively bigger under what has become the highest taxing government in Australian history. No-one likes paying tax, but I suppose most of us understand why we do. What causes taxpayers more concern than having to pay tax is the uncertainty that is created by the powers of the Australian Taxation Office to reopen tax assessments after many years.

When it comes to income tax, Australia has operated a system of self-assessment for nearly two decades now. The process is relatively clear. Income tax returns are submitted and are accepted at face value on the clear understanding that the Australian tax office may seek to verify the accuracy of the return and, if necessary, amend the assessment at some later date. Changes in this bill will give taxpayers a degree of certainty surrounding examination of their returns.

The bill sets out the changing time frames in which the Australian tax office can audit taxpayers. For those with a simple tax arrangement, the period has gone from four years down to two years; for those with a more complex set of arrangements, it has gone from six years down to four years. Accordingly, the level of protection afforded to taxpayers is increased by guaranteeing that, after two years have expired, under normal circumstances, taxpayers will not be subject to audit by the Australian tax commissioner.

The second set of measures introduced in this bill also acts to improve certainty for taxpayers. The area of the Australian tax office public and private rulings has often caused considerable concern and trouble for individual taxpayers as the process of having a ruling made and maintained has become somewhat confused. Under the changes contained in this bill, the tax ruling process will undergo a radical change which will allow taxpayers to be certain in the knowledge that they can rely on the formally requested advice of the Australian tax office, including oral advice, and not be subject to penalty at some time in the future for a change in that assessment. The commissioner will also be granted additional powers to determine the time from when a ruling will take effect and is required to specify a time limit for which that ruling will remain in operation. Clearing up the confusion surrounding existing tax processes will be a change to the tax law welcomed by Australian taxpayers, many of whom are guided in their financial affairs by such rulings.

Despite these changes, Labor believes that, when it comes to self-assessment, there are a number of other proposals for implementation of the tax act that have not been addressed either in this bill or as part of the Tax Laws Amendment (Improvements to Self Assessment) Bill (No. 1) 2005. Labor believes that it is not alone in this view. As I understand it, there are a number of members opposite who equally feel concern. The coalition backbench have certainly not been hesitant in expressing their view in this regard. Only yesterday, we heard the contribution from the member for Pearce on the government’s welfare to work proposals, questioning the extent to which cutting someone’s income would help find a job.

Another group of backbenchers, it seems, is equally questioning of the government’s approach. In this case, it is in relation to income tax assessment. It has come to my attention that, after examining the draft of this bill, a group of backbenchers wrote to the Treasurer raising some serious concerns about the bill. The importance of this correspondence with the Treasurer by coalition members and senators lies in the fact that they expressed their concern that the bill does not reasonably reflect the recommendations that prompted the legislation in the first place and that their constituents have pointed out a number of shortcomings in the bill. The document makes an interesting read. In addition to raising some concerns of the backbenchers, it sets out some key areas of concern that senators and members would like to see addressed when it comes to the income tax self-assessment regime.

Coalition members have asked that the following issues be addressed. First, they say that the legislation should more fully reflect—

Interjection

The SPEAKER—Order! It being 2 pm, the debate is interrupted in accordance with standing order 97. The debate may be resumed at a later hour and the member will have leave to continue speaking when the debate is resumed.

5 December 2005 in continuation

Mr HAYES (Werriwa) (6.10 p.m.)—Before my contribution to this second reading debate on the Tax Laws Amendment (Improvements to Self Assessment) Bill (No. 2) 2005 was interrupted by question time last Thursday, I had made a number of comments about how tax issues had troubled the Treasurer during the whole time he has been in that position. The pressure placed on the Treasurer by the opposition last week, and obviously by the coalition backbench, resulted in the resignation last Friday of the cause of the Treasurer’s latest tax problem—Mr Gerard.

The resignation of Mr Gerard from the board of the Reserve Bank is proof of the poor judgment of the Treasurer in appointing him in the first place. Despite the strong protestations of government members who have said that the government had no influence over the decision of Mr Gerard to resign, I find that a little bit difficult to believe. The whole affair demonstrates the poor judgment of the Treasurer in this regard. I found it particularly interesting to read the comment of an unnamed coalition member who is reported to have said—

Mr Tuckey—Mr Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order. This is very complex legislation relating to the tax act. The member should be asked to return to the details of the legislation from which he has removed himself by a very far distinction in talking about an issue—

The DEPUTY SPEAKER (Hon. DGH Adams)—The honourable member will resume his seat. I ask the honourable member for Werriwa to come to the bill.

Mr HAYES—In deference to you, Mr Deputy Speaker, I will do that, but I think my comments reflect on the bill in terms of the decisions being made by the Treasurer, who is responsible for the administration of the tax act. The Treasurer’s problems with taxation do not stop with what occurred last week. As my colleague will probably be able to attest, there was correspondence from coalition backbenchers to the Treasurer—which I referred to last week—that detailed a couple of key issues of concern about this very piece of legislation. It said that, firstly, the legislation should more fully reflect the Treasury recommendations contained in the review of self-assessment report; secondly, the legislation should have specific application to the groups who complained and prompted the Treasury review; thirdly, the legislation should apply retrospectively; and, finally, there should be greater controls on the commissioner’s ongoing ability to retrospectively and unilaterally make determinations.

As I said last week, that correspondence was sent by coalition backbenchers to the Treasurer to consider in relation to this legislation. I have no doubt that these are pretty insightful comments but at the same time they offer a damning criticism when they are ignored. And that is precisely what did occur—they were ignored. Unlike the Treasurer in this regard, Labor are willing to consider the issues that have been raised by the coalition backbench. We on this side of the House are willing to take the tax proposals that were rejected by Treasurer Costello and would be prepared to give effect to them as appropriate. I urge all of the signatories to that correspondence to the Treasurer, who have expressed concerns about this bill, to have the courage of their commitment and stand up to the Treasurer. You are on common ground with us in many respects on this matter.

While I feel that the provisions of this bill could have gone further—and, as a matter of fact, should have gone further—I do support the increase in the level of certainty that these changes bring to Australian taxpayers. Having said that, I cannot rise to speak on a bill concerning issues of tax without passing comment on the pretty feeble attempt by the Treasurer to reduce the pages of the income tax legislation by, as he claims, 30 per cent. According to the Treasurer’s media release on 24 November, the Board of Taxation estimates that 2,100 pages of the combined income tax assessment acts can be repealed. The Treasurer claims that this is the largest simplification of tax legislation in Australian history. Of course it is: the tax acts have become so unwieldy that cutting out 2,100 pages is by any means a considerable change. The Income Tax Assessment Act 1936 and the Income Tax Assessment Act 1997 have a combined total of 6,450 pages. When you take into account the ancillary legislation, there are, as I understand it, some 10,000 pages of legislation.

So the Treasurer has decided that it is time to give the 25-centimetre thick, four-volume tax assessment acts a bit of a prune. This will only get them back to the level of the taxation acts he inherited back in 1996; he will only be able to prune the tax assessment acts back to the size when he got control of the legislation in 1996. That is not reform. Sure, it is important that periodically we do act to trim the size of legislation by removing clauses which are redundant, cumbersome or infrequently used—but let us not kid ourselves: that is not reform. Unlike other so-called reforms by government—such as the Work Choices or Welfare to Work provisions, which tear at the very fabric of Australian society—throwing out clauses in the tax acts that have passed their use-by date is hardly radical reform.

It seems that the Treasurer has lost even the modicum of reformist zeal that he had at the start of his nine years in office in control of the tax system. The Australian taxpayer has nothing to fear from these reforms—mind you, they have little to gain either—but at least there is nothing hiding in the fine print as is the case with many other initiatives of this government. The only changes that the Treasurer has set about making to the tax laws since he has had carriage of them have resulted either in pages being added to the tax laws or in middle Australia missing out on tax cuts. In 1996, the tax acts were 3,500 pages long. Now there are nearly 10,000 pages of tax law—a threefold increase. The Treasurer’s record is not a thing to be admired when it comes to tax reform, and it seems that the coalition backbench is starting to work that out.

Under the Australian income tax system, if you are an ordinary PAYE taxpayer you pay tax. You are not able to avoid tax like some millionaires around the country seem to be able to. I understand that before the 1996 election both parties were advised that it was possible for millionaires to reduce their average tax bill to around 25 per cent. At that time that rate was below the rate that would have been paid by ordinary working Australians on $40,000 per annum. Nine years later, we have the highest taxing government in Australian history and what does a recent study from the Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research show us? It reports that the nation’s wealthiest households are still paying a tax rate of around 25 per cent. What a sensational effort by this government: after nine years and a threefold increase in the number of pages in the tax acts, the wealthiest Australians are still enjoying a tax rate below that of ordinary working Australians.

Working Australians in my electorate would love nothing more than to be able to minimise their tax to the same extent that the Treasurer continues to allow the richest among us to do. It is quite clear that there are deep-seated economic inefficiencies contained in Australia’s current taxation regime. A tax regime that allows the highest of income earners to pay less tax than the average income earner has got to be seen as being in desperate need of repair. As the Treasurer said himself in the lead-up to the 1998 election:

High tax rates mean rich people spend more time and money on tax planning to reduce their tax liabilities. Low-income earners who cannot afford such advice keep paying more tax.

He is dead right about that. This makes complete sense when you consider taxation statistics which show that almost half of all individual taxpayers seek professional taxation advice that produces a total deduction in the tax system of around $1 billion annually. When individual taxpayers consider it necessary and in their interests to spend $1 billion on tax advice, surely we must realise that there is something crook in the system.

When you dig a bit deeper into the tax statistics, the case for reform of income tax starts to become somewhat overwhelming. Probably the biggest inefficiency—and the greatest opportunity for rorting the tax system—comes about because of the sometimes very generous claims for work related deductions that are allowed. Don’t get me wrong: work related deductions are often necessary and do reflect the fact that in order to work many people sometimes need to make purchases directly related to their occupation. But, given the current level of deductions, you would have to ask a couple of questions. In the 2002-03 financial year, there were some 10.7 million taxpayers who reported a total income of $381.2 billion. A total of $20.7 billion was claimed in deductions, about half of which were work related deductions. When billions of dollars are claimed in work related deductions, it seems to me that these deductions are starting to move away from the reasons for which they were introduced and to become means of lowering taxable income and avoiding or at least minimising tax liabilities. While the Treasurer feels that lopping off redundant and unused parts of the tax acts is radical reform, there is an overwhelming need to address Australia’s income tax system at a more fundamental level. I take this opportunity to again call on the government to get serious about tax reform, to get serious about putting incentive back into the tax system and to get serious about providing tax cuts for the more than 80 per cent of income earners in my electorate of Werriwa who missed out on the tax cuts in the last budget and are now seeing their money locked up in a $14 billion surplus that this government seems to have little desire to let go of.


 


 

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