HANSARD EXTRACT
|
National Health Amendment (Budget Measures-Pharmaceutical
Benefits Safety Net) Bill 2005: Second Reading |
| 13
October 2005 |
Mr HAYES
(Werriwa)
(1.18
p.m.)—The
lengths to which this government will go now that it controls both
houses of this parliament almost know no bounds. This government
continues to amaze me when it comes to the extent to which it is
prepared to wield its new-found powers as it continues to hack away
at some of the fundamentals of our society. I oppose the
National Health Amendment (Budget
Measures—Pharmaceutical Benefits Safety Net) Bill 2005. I
do not want to see it simply amended or watered down; I simply do
not want to see it passed. This bill represents the extent of
meanness of this government. It is yet another example of the
obsession with implementing two-tiered systems when it comes to
government services.
The
Howard government’s great social engineering experiment that we have
seen thus far includes the introduction of a two-tiered system in
health; a two-tiered system in education and training; this morning,
a two-tiered system in student services; and a two-tiered system in
industrial relations, which is currently emerging. Now the
government wants to apply it to pharmaceuticals. But, of course,
that is really not going far enough. Given half a chance, this
government acts to exacerbate disadvantage by introducing charges
like those we have before us today. This is probably the perfect
time for the government to slip through these changes, which it was
too scared to take to the electorate at the time of the last
election a little over 12 months ago. It is the perfect time to slip
through changes to the PBS under the guise of sustainability and
under cover of a $100 million advertising campaign on its extreme
industrial relations agenda.
Members opposite may be wondering why I and my colleagues on the
Labor side are upset about this bill. They might be wondering why we
regard this as being of such importance. The reason is quite simple.
These changes go to the core of people’s wellbeing. By and large,
they have the most impact on those who can least afford it, and they
impact on families. No-one wants to get sick, but when they do they
want to know that they can have access to affordable and
high-quality health and that they can obtain, at a reasonable price,
the medicines they need to get back to good health.
Under the changes in the bill being debated today, the simple desire
to get better and to be well again now comes at a higher price. Of
course, this will not come about just through one price but through
a complex set of rules put in place to shift the cost of health care
from government to consumers. I am sure the government is pleased
that it did not have to pass a no-disadvantage test on this to
contend with the development of this piece of policy, because the
solution would certainly not have stacked up. I have to wonder
whether the minister has produced a family impact statement, one
that is satisfactory to
Senator Fielding, because this legislation certainly does impact on
families.
This bill will introduce a complex set of rules, possibly the
bluntest instrument available to the government, which it claims
will support the affordability of the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme
well into the future. But this bill and the policy it introduces do
nothing to support the affordability or the sustainability of the
PBS. This bill simply shifts the costs off the government books and
into the pockets of sick people and families. The bill claims to
support sustainability of the PBS by doing two things: firstly, it
sets in place a new safety net and new patient copayment
arrangements; and, secondly, it introduces a threshold for
eligibility for the safety net entitlements. This is where a new
20-day rule comes in. The bill before us introduces a 20-day rule
aimed at stopping the accumulation of medicines and the filling of
scripts in order to reach the safety net expenditure threshold
early.
While not wanting to make light of issues of health or the PBS, I do
find the government’s underlying agenda in this scheme somewhat
amusing. As we have heard from previous speakers, a 20-day rule
implements a time limit for filling a script. Under the 20-day rule,
a resupply within 20 days of a previous supply of the same
pharmaceuticals for the same person will not count towards the
calculation of the safety net entitlement. The copayment will not
accrue towards the safety net threshold.
The stated aim of this part of the bill is to discourage people from
obtaining additional or early supplies to reduce the risk of
wastage—or at least that is what it seems to be. It points to a
clear concern of the government that people are either seeking to
fill additional scripts and hiding medicines away in the cupboard or
simply seeking to gain their medicines early. I must admit that I do
not know the extent of this problem—or even if it is a real
problem—but it seems to me that people who are engaging in that sort
of behaviour are doing so because of flaws in the existing system.
These people are almost being accused of being rational agents
because they know that once they reach a certain level of copayments
the cost of their pharmaceuticals will be reduced—or at least that
seems to be the government’s argument.
It would seem to me that the motivating factor in this is not the
desire to have more pharmaceuticals; it is the desire to reach the
threshold. The threshold has created a perverse incentive for
consumers, and I have to wonder whether setting some form of
arbitrary time frame in which the same pharmaceuticals cannot be
purchased would be the best way of addressing this problem—if indeed
it is a problem. I find it particularly interesting that the
immediate supply provisions that allow for subsidised resupply in
the case of loss or destruction will also be subject to the 20-day
rule, and those intending to travel will not receive any exemption.
One can only wonder what sorts of abuses of the PBS travellers have
been perpetrating to have this rule applied to them.
The most significant of the two changes, when it comes to the
concerns of the young families in my electorate, are the changes to
the threshold for the safety net entitlements. This will result in a
double whammy for patients. The changes contained in this bill do
not introduce just one increase but set in train a series of
increases in the threshold for each and every year, right through to
2009. Members opposite may scoff and say that this is not a big
deal, that there are only four increases in the threshold. I wish it
were that simple.
This bill implements increases in the threshold by an amount equal
to two indexed general patient copayments in each of these years.
This means that the current general safety net level of $874.90 will
gradually increase to a level in 2009 that is the equivalent of
eight additional copayments over its current level. As the previous
speaker, the member for Scullin, said, the position with concession
card holders is also not spared in this instance. The concessional
safety net has also been caught up in this legislation. Over the
next four years the concessional rate will rise from its current
level of $239.20—or the equivalent of 52 copayments—to a level
equivalent to 60 copayments in 2009.
While most would think that the introduction of a new system of
increasing the safety net would supersede the existing one, the
government has decided to stick with its own two-tiered philosophy
here as well. Currently the safety net increases are on 1 January
each year and increase at the rate of inflation, as measured by the
CPI, and the government has made it clear that this situation will
continue. So what Australians will face when they wake up on New
Year’s Day of each year from next year through to 2009—in addition
to any possible after-effects of the celebrations of the night
before—will be an increase in the PBS safety net threshold. Let us
be perfectly clear on what will happen. There will be an increase in
the safety net well above the rate of inflation. The threshold will
not simply be adjusted to indexation; there will be an out-and-out
increase. We will have a two-tiered increment in the safety net to
match the two-tiered PBS.
The government claim that these changes are necessary to ensure the
ongoing sustainability of the PBS. They argue that incremental
changes are necessary because they will limit the alleged rorting of
the existing scheme through the advance purchase of medications and
the hoarding of medications, all done so that people can reach the
safety net level of expenditure. If that really is the case, I find
this is a pretty strange policy solution. It is a strange policy
solution that did not make its way into the coalition’s policy
material released during the last election campaign. It is a policy
solution that only came to light as a measure in this year’s budget.
The way that this bill and its measures are introduced will produce
the desired effect, because they will stop people from using
medicine. Health care costs are already one of the single biggest
threshold budget items for Australian families, and this policy is
going to make those costs bigger. This cost-shifting exercise will
mean that, more than ever, people will be thinking twice about going
to the doctor or taking their kids to the doctor. Initially it was
about whether or not they could find a bulk-billing doctor; now it
will be about whether they can afford to have the script filled. The
people who will find themselves at the greatest disadvantage when it
comes to accessing medicines under this scheme are those already
doing it tough under this government. The people who are facing
considerable cuts to their welfare payments under the government’s
draconian welfare-to-work reforms are facing yet another setback.
Families in my electorate are already doing it tough and this change
means that things are going to get worse for them. The people of
Werriwa are already facing significant increases in the price of
petrol, which this government has refused to do anything about. Many
families in my electorate are also suffering at the hands of the
family tax benefit system and have to repay almost $1.5 million
because of that flawed system. This is on top of already high
mortgage repayments which, if the indications of the Reserve Bank as
reported two nights ago are anything to go by, may go even higher.
Now, when the family budget is already stretched to breaking point,
they have to deal with this—policies that do nothing to lift the
pressure that families and family budgets are currently under.
The instruments employed here are probably the bluntest that could
have been employed by the government. Generally speaking, those who
can least afford the copayments will be most affected by this
change, and they are often those in society who, on average, have
the highest propensity to suffer an illness. Higher copayments will
cut down the use of pharmaceuticals, but it is also likely to mean
that those groups who need access to pharmaceuticals will no longer
be able to afford them. This is another mean act from a mean
government. This bill introduces another system where those who can
afford access will get access and those who cannot afford it will be
deprived.
This bill has nothing to do with the sustainability of the PBS; it
is about the sustainability of the government’s budget position.
After the government splashed around cash during the last campaign
in an effort to secure victory, it has realised that, in order to
maintain its budget position, it is necessary to cut costs
elsewhere. It is necessary to shift costs from the government books
and foist them on the broader populace. Put simply, Labor does not
believe in a two-tiered health system. It does not believe that, in
order to fix a system, it needs to remove access to the system from
those least able to afford it.
The price mechanism is a powerful tool which—I have to concede—can
produce positive results. By the same token, price is also a
powerful tool for producing vastly inferior outcomes if it is used
wrongly. The changes implemented by this bill are a fine example of
that. Labor believes that the PBS is an investment in the health of
all Australians. It should not be abused; it should be used wisely
and it should be financially sustainable. With this bill the
government has signalled that it is determined to continue to remove
access to affordable health care. It has done this by introducing a
scheme that will produce not one, not two, not even three, but in
effect 12 increases in the safety net threshold for the PBS over the
next four years.
The passage of this bill will not make the PBS any more sustainable,
it will not fix the growing hole in the budget and it will not
introduce any further incentives for new medicines to be listed on
the PBS. Access to the high-quality medical care that we have
available in
Australia should not be rationed simply on the basis of the ability
to pay. We have all heard stories from people who continue to feel
as though they have been ripped off by private health insurers as
the minister continues to rubber stamp increases in their premiums,
and now they are going to face this.
This bill is a manifestation in legislation of an out-of-touch
government that—because their fourth term agenda only extends as far
as destroying the rights of working Australians—is bereft of ideas
and is trying to paper over cracks that it has already created for
itself through the high-tax, high-spending regime that it has
presided over for the last decade. The Parliamentary Secretary to
the Minister for Health and Ageing, when he introduced this bill,
crowed:
The safety net will continue to play an important role in protecting
people from high out-of-pocket costs for PBS medicines.
Surely this cannot be believed with regard to the structure of this
piece of legislation. I oppose this bill and I oppose everything
that this government has done to destroy a health system that once
provided safety and security for all Australians, comfortable in the
knowledge that if they happened to get sick they could seek and find
help through an affordable and equitable system.
Return
to Speeches Menu.